The opening salvo of U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton's "global listening tour" - a swing through Asia - has produced constructive effects and positioned the United States for renewed leadership in the region.

Nearly a year ago, I recommended that the next American presidential administration focus early and often on the Asia-Pacific area, with the idea of elevating that part of the world to a higher priority. Specifically, it would benefit the United States to develop comprehensive, long-term policies for Asia. It is worth underscoring, however, that such a spotlight in no way diminishes the U.S. stake in Europe, the Middle East, the Americas and elsewhere, or the need to shape similar policies for those regions.

Without a robust initiative, Washington would risk ceding its leadership role in Asia to rising powers such as China. The appropriate aim is not to try to block or elbow aside newly influential nations, but to ensure that America has a place at the forefront, ideally working with those same countries.

To my mind, the effort requires strengthening ties with key allies, particularly Japan and South Korea, but also paying greater attention to China, India and organizations such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Thus, I was pleased to see Clinton stop at many of those locations during her tour, including ASEAN's headquarters in Jakarta, Indonesia.

I regret, though, that India was not among them. Perhaps President Barack Obama can rectify that omission by making India the centerpiece of an international trip early in his term.

Both showmanship and substance were on display during Clinton's tour. The showmanship was essential to underscore that a different approach is in effect. Toward that end, she - a globally known quantity - has distinct advantages. Many people, from officials to average citizens, want to see her, and she happily accommodates them. But I was even more pleased with the substance, notably what Clinton said during her visit to China.

In fact, her statements went to the heart of the creative engagement that is necessary for the United States to continue to lead in Asia. Although she rightly reaffirmed the U.S. commitment to human rights, she also indicated that the issue will not "interfere with the global economic crisis, the global climate change crisis and the security crises." In other words, there will be separate tracks for those matters.

That approach reminds me in some ways of the refreshing direction in China-Taiwan dealings that I witnessed during a recent trip to Taipei. The cross-strait relationship is critical not only for China and Taiwan but also the United States, for it can either enhance or agitate against U.S. interests in the region.

Fortunately, from President Ma Ying-jeou on down, I consistently heard the following pragmatic, responsible ideas: Remove contentious matters from center stage, emphasize areas of mutual interest and concern, and build trust. The result has been a much-improved environment for engagement that shows signs of enlarging.

If the United States and China were to act in a similar manner, including on the issue of Taiwan, it would open the door to helpful changes, as well as new levels of discourse and partnership. The triangular relationship among Washington, Beijing and Taipei, if properly managed, has the potential to become a positive, defining feature of the next half-century.

In sum, the Clinton tour suggests to me that the United States has a better-than-average chance to maneuver for the driver's seat in Asia, regardless of how many others occupy or seek to claim that spot. In a region of Asia's size and diversity, multiple drivers are needed and should be welcomed, so long as they embrace a common vision of security, stability and prosperity.